*In Rajasthan, the Bhajan Lal Sharma government on August 21 announced a three-year roadmap worth Rs 12,500 crore to overhaul the school infrastructure across the state. This came amid the Cockroach Janta Party’s (CJP) school audit programme, and the government, it seemed, tried to ensure that it did not snowball into a major protest ahead of the local body elections.
*In Goa, after pushback from legislators, including from within the party, the Pramod Sawant government on August 31 decided not to introduce the anti-religious conversion Bill in the Assembly. The state Cabinet last week passed the Goa Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Bill, 2026, and it was expected to be taken up in the Assembly’s ongoing Monsoon Session.
*On August 21, Delhi Police registered a case over the pellet injuries that a 19-year-old suffered during the July 20 protests led by the CJP. The police acted after Leader of the Opposition Rahul Gandhi held a seven-hour dharna along with the youngster and his mother outside a police station.
Many BJP leaders, however, denied there was a cause for concern, pointing to the latest numbers on the economy. “The GDP has grown 7.8% in Quarter 1 and that is great news for the government. People indeed have to feel that the economy is growing at a robust pace, but such good news will definitely boost the morale in the party and the government,” said a leader.
Some in the party also said the September 12-13 BRICS Summit in Delhi would help underline Prime Minister Modi’s image as a strong leader of international standing and could potentially overshadow any domestic political concerns.
Parallels from recent history
However, some of these apprehensions persist in sections of the BJP, with some drawing parallels with two notable moments from the past when the party has come under strain. While some pointed to the turbulence in the party and the RSS during L K Advani’s 2005 visit to Pakistan, when he described Muhammad Ali Jinnah as “secular”, others spoke of the crisis that followed Prime Minister V P Singh’s decision in 1990 to implement the Mandal Commission report that granted 27% reservation in jobs and education to the Other Backward Classes (OBCs).
A BJP leader claimed the current situation had the potential to “derail” the party’s political calculations and trigger realignments in several states. “The slogans the BJP has used since 2014 appear to have lost their edge. Prime Minister Modi’s most potent weapon has been his communication with the people. But it is not resonating as much with a powerful section — one of the most influential ones — as it used to,” said another source.
What began as a student protest against the NEET paper leak could potentially transform into a multi-pronged challenge for the government, with senior BJP leaders saying the leadership would have to be ready for “flexibility for a course correction”.
But this is something the party has managed to pull off earlier, for instance during the farm protests and the post-2024 Lok Sabha blip. Also, a crucial distinction to make between the present moment and Advani’s Jinnah row and the Mandal moment is that the circumstances were different. The BJP was not in power during the Advani episode and supported the VP government from outside in 1990. This time, though it may have hit a bump in the road, it remains the most dominant political force in the country.
